Showing posts with label antitrust. Show all posts
Showing posts with label antitrust. Show all posts

Sunday, 21 July 2013

S. Korea drops antitrust investigation against Google


South Korea has dropped a two-year anti-competition probe into Google's Android smartphone operations in that country, sources close to Google confirmed Thursday.

The investigation, which was based on claims that Google had pressured Android phone manufacturers to block search engines or other applications that rivaled its own, has ended with no finding of a violation of law, sources said.

Two Korean search engine operators, Daum and NHN, filed the claims with South Korea's Fair Trade Commission in 2011. Among other charges, Daum said Google had influenced Android-based phone manufacturers to block certain other software services from being placed before Google's search tools.
However, it has since been established that Google's Android business practices did not break any laws, the sources said. Google declined to comment on the case. Neither Daum nor NHN could be immediately reached for comment.

Google's position on Android is that it is an open platform and that other carrier and OEM partners are free to decide which applications and services to include on their Android-based phones.

Google still faces an ongoing antitrust investigation in Europe. The European Commission has been investigating Google since 2010 after rivals accused the company of gaming search algorithms to direct users to its own services and reducing the visibility of competitors.

Europe's competition chief confirmed on Wednesday that he had written to Google Chairman Eric Schmidt asking for better assurances related to those claims. Google declined to comment on that investigation.

Use of Android, the mobile operating system Google launched in 2008, is growing. The platform has roughly 900 million users, Google executives reported in May during the company's Google I/O conference for developers.

Friday, 19 July 2013

In European Antitrust Fight, Google Needs to Appease Competitors

The European Commission on Wednesday formally said for the first time that Google’s proposal for addressing antitrust concerns did not go far enough, and demanded that it come up with more far-reaching remedies or potentially face a fine of up to $5 billion.
 
It was a significant setback for Google, which in April struck a deal with the commission to settle its three-year antitrust investigation by making certain changes in the way it displays answers to search inquiries. But the deal was contingent on feedback from Google’s rivals. The commission determined that the proposal was inadequate, and said the company needed to do more to address rivals’ concerns.
The about-face followed an outcry from Google competitors during the market testing phase of the inquiry, in which the commission asked for feedback on the proposal.
 
“What they discovered in the market test was that overwhelmingly, everyone said the settlement was inadequate and doesn’t solve the problem,” said a person with knowledge about the feedback competitors gave the commission, but who spoke anonymously because the filings were not public.
 
Joaquín Almunia, the European Union competition commissioner, said at a news conference, “I concluded that the proposals that Google sent to us months ago are not enough to overcome our concerns.” He said he had written to Eric E. Schmidt, Google’s executive chairman, “asking Google to present better proposals.”
A Google spokesman, Al Verney, said on Wednesday that it would “continue to work” with the commission to settle the case. He added that Google was confident that its earlier proposal “clearly addresses” the commission’s concerns.
 
Mr. Almunia did not give Google a deadline for presenting a new set of concessions, according to a person with direct knowledge of Mr. Almunia’s letter who spoke anonymously. So the case, which both sides had hoped to close this year, could continue for several months or more.
 
The main issue is the way Google, which, according to comScore, handles 86 percent of Web searches in Europe, orders its search results. Regulators have been investigating whether Google favors its own services — like travel, local business, mapping and shopping — over those of competitors. Regulators have also examined whether it disadvantaged competitors by including material from other Web sites in search results and whether its advertising business complied with European antitrust law.
 
Google managed to avoid antitrust charges in the United States, where it has two-thirds market share, after a two-year investigation of similar issues. Google has faced a more hard-line approach in Europe, where critics have accused the antitrust authorities of relying too much on outside complaints from competitors rather than on evidence of consumer harm. That is somewhat of a sore point for European officials, who insist they share the same goals as the Americans when it comes to consumers.
 
In April, Google proposed to change its search results to clearly label results from some of its own properties, like Google Plus Local, and in some cases to show links from rival search engines. It also proposed giving competitors more control over how it used information from their sites in its vertical search results and making it easier for small businesses to transport their ad campaigns to other search engines.
The proposal was the first time Google had agreed to legally binding changes to its search results, and went much further than the minor concessions it made to the Federal Trade Commission in its inquiry.
 
Still, the proposal would not have required Google to change the algorithm that produces its search results. Also, if it had been accepted, Google would have escaped a possible fine of about 10 percent of its annual global revenue of about $50 billion and a formal finding of wrongdoing that could limit its ability to expand in Europe. 

Thursday, 18 July 2013

European Commission asks Google for more concessions in antitrust case

Europe’s competition chief confirmed Wednesday that he has written to Google Chairman Eric Schmidt to ask for better assurances from the company in an ongoing antitrust investigation.

“After the analysis of the market test that was concluded on June 27, I concluded that the proposals that Google sent to us are not enough to overcome our concerns,” said European Union Competition Commissioner Joaquin Almunia at a press conference Wednesday.

Google has been under investigation by the European Commission since November 2010 after rivals accused the search giant of setting search algorithms to direct users to its own services and reducing the visibility of competing websites and services. It was also accused of content-scraping and imposing contractual restrictions that prevent advertisers from moving their online campaigns to rival search engines.
The Commission decided there was sufficient cause for concern, but rather than proceed directly to punitive measures, Almunia opted for a so-called Article 9 procedure, in which the company under investigation can present proposals to rectify the situation. If these proposals are accepted by the Commission, they become legally binding.

A Google spokesman said the Internet giant wants to settle the investigation and “continues to work closely with the Commission.”
On April 25 Google proposed labelling its own preferred links to its own sites in search results. It also promised to include links to rival search engines for specialist restaurant search results that generate revenue for Google, remove exclusivity provisions from all future contracts and any legacy advertising contracts for five years and said it would prevent unwanted content scraping by offering tools allowing content owners to indicate that they don’t want Google using their text in search results.

Interested parties were invited by the Commission to “market test” the proposals. Rivals and complainants said that the measures were not good enough and at Wednesday’s news conference Almunia indicated that he agrees with them.

FairSearch Europe, a group made up of companies that have complained about Google, conducted a survey in Britain between June 18 and 22 as part of the market test.

The 1,888 respondents had a choice on a mock-up page matching Google’s proposals of clicking on cameras in the Google Shopping box, on rivals’ three small blue links at the bottom of the box, or on ordinary search results.

They found that one in five clicked on Google Shopping links, only one in 200 on rival links and more than half of 1,888 surveyed didn’t know “Google Shopping” is paid content.

“The study provides the hard, unbiased evidence for what seemed obvious: if Google gives itself prime placement and rich graphics on the search landing page, while relegating rivals to small links, then Google’s own products will prevail,” said FairSearch Europe spokesman Thomas Vinjein in a statement.

Feedback from the market test will be taken into account in the Commission’s final analysis. However it is the Commission that Google’s remedies must satisfy, not any other party involved. If a solution isn’t found, the Commission could still fine the company up to 10 percent of its annual global revenue. 

Friday, 12 July 2013

Antitrust Scrutiny of Telecoms in Europe

BRUSSELS — European Union antitrust authorities said on Thursday that they had investigated major telecommunications companies, including Deutsche Telekom of Germany, on suspicion that the companies were using their dominant market positions to limit Internet providers’ access to their networks.

The European Commission, the executive arm that oversees antitrust policy across the 28-member bloc, did not identify the companies or say how many had been inspected in the operation, which took place Wednesday.

But Deutsche Telekom confirmed on its Web site that a raid had occurred, adding that e-mails and other data had been seized. Reuters reported that the authorities had also raided the offices of Orange of France and Telefónica of Spain.

Big telecommunications companies provide the networks that link smaller sites, like movie-streaming services, to the Web, effectively acting as a gateway. In a statement, the commission said it was concerned that the companies may have violated antitrust rules “that prohibit the abuse of a dominant market position.” Those companies provide services “crucial for the functioning of the Internet” so consumers can gain access to “Internet content with the necessary quality,” it said.

Inspections are a preliminary step in an antitrust investigation. Companies found to have broken European Union competition laws can be fined as much as 10 percent of their annual global sales.

Cogent Communications, a company based in Washington that sells Internet access to third parties, said the inspections were probably linked to complaints it had filed in Germany against Deutsche Telekom and in France against Orange, previously known as France Télécom.

Dave Schaeffer, the chief executive of Cogent, said by telephone that the major telecommunications companies in France, Germany and Spain were impeding his business by refusing to upgrade congested networks. The result, he said, was that services for Cogent clients like Netflix, the film-streaming service, or YouTube, the online video-sharing site, would be slowed or difficult to access.

He cited Dailymotion, the French video-sharing site that is owned by Orange. “For example, Orange owns the direct competitor to YouTube,” Mr. Schaeffer said. Orange “wants French consumers to use Dailymotion instead of YouTube.”

The French state holds a stake of about 27 percent in Orange. This year, the government of President François Hollande expressed its objections to plans by Yahoo to buy a controlling stake in Dailymotion.

Mr. Schaeffer said his company had discussed the matter with the commission but that Cogent had not submitted a formal complaint. He said national authorities in France and Germany had rejected his company’s complaints against Orange and Deutsche Telekom but that Cogent was appealing the French decision. Cogent has also had difficulties in Spain but has not filed a complaint there, he said.

Deutsche Telekom said on its Web site that it was “surprised by the initiation of further investigations by the commission into the global market for Internet traffic, since previous allegations have all turned out to be unfounded.”

“Similar investigations carried out by national regulatory bodies, who have also dealt with the issue in great detail, have also been abandoned,” it said. “This market is dominated by major providers based in the United States, which means we are not the right target for these investigations.”

Thursday, 4 July 2013

'The Butler' Battle Escalates: Weinstein Co. Hints Lawsuit, Raises Antitrust Warning

An image from Lee Daniels' 'The Butler'
The battle over whether Harvey Weinstein can call Lee Daniels' upcoming White House movie The Butler escalated Wednesday as the Weinstein Company's superstar attorney David Boies fired off letters to Warner Bros and the MPAA threatening litigation.

In an arbitration, the MPAA's Title Registry Bureau ruled Tuesday that TWC could not use the title, because it's also the name of a preexisting 1916 short film that now resides in the Warner Bros. library.

As a signatory to the MPAA's Title Registration Bureau, Weinstein is bound by the arbitrator's ruling. The movie mogul might not like the fact that an arbitrator gave Warners the rights to The Butler, but judges are loath to do anything but confirm arbitration awards.

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With the success of an appeal looking unlikely, and with TWC facing $25,000 worth of daily fines if it continues to advertise the film as The Butler, Boies is now speaking about a lawsuit. Possible claims could include extortion, misrepresentation and antitrust violations.

The letter to Warner Bros' general counsel hints at some of the discussions that preceded the title dispute.

"I am informed that Warner Bros. represented to, and agreed with, TWC that TWC would be permitted without objection by Warner Bros. to use the title “The Butler” in return for certain contributions that TWC agreed to make," writes Boies.

According to TWC COO David Glasser, "We had the title of The Butler and we had spoken with Warners along the way. Our head of distribution and their head of distribution had an agreement. But then we became involved with another piece of business with Warners, and suddenly we were told there was a conflict, and so we went to arbitration." He would not comment on what other business dealings had been taking place.

Other sources paint a different picture, claiming that TWC began using the title in September, 2012 and attempted to register it with the MPAA in November, but the request was declined. Annoyed that TWC was moving forward with the title without the necessary clearances, Warners told TWC it couldn't use the title in March and then sent a cease-and-desist letter in June, all of which led to the arbitration. As for the suggestion that an earlier agreement had been reached, one sources familiar with the dispute says, "There was no deal. That is false."

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In his letter, Boies continues, "I am further informed that after TWC had relied on these representations and agreement, Warner Bros. repudiated those representations and agreement and sought, in concert with the MPAA, to prevent TWC from using its title."

Asked whether in order to resolve the matter quickly, TWC would consider renaming the film, which stars Forest Whitaker and is based on the true story of Eugene Allen, who spent 34 years working at the White House, Glasser said, "I have Lee Daniels' The Butler registered. I have The White House Butler registered. But what is so insane is that we've been told we can not use any version of the worlds 'the butler.' That part blows our minds."

Boies' second letter to the MPAA is even more direct about the potential antitrust claims.

"To the extent that the MPAA in concert with its members seeks to 'permanently protect' titles where there is no plausible claim of possible confusion, and no claim of actual damages, such an attempt would be a naked restraint on trade in violation of the anti-trust laws," writes Boies.

The MPAA did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Of course, the MPAA's arbitration system doesn't use the same standards set up in trademark law to measure the likelihood of consumer confusion about the source of a mark. If it did, the outcome might have ended up differently. Now the question is whether The Weinstein Co. can allege with specificity enough funny business before the initiation of the arbitration claim.

In the meantime, the two companies are locked into a public relations stand-off. Warner Bros. risks looking as if its playing the spoiler, while Weinstein runs the risk of looking like the same man who has repeatedly cried foul over movie ratings.

Monday, 24 June 2013

After closing arguments, Apple's fate in e-book antitrust case goes to judge

“Word games,” an “overreaching narrative” and a “case of inferences” were a few choice phrases used by attorney Orin Snyder Thursday in closing arguments for Apple in the U.S. Department of Justice’s antitrust, ebooks price fixing case against the tech giant.

 

The DOJ brought the case against Apple and five of the largest book publishers in the U.S. for allegedly conspiring to limit price competition and raise prices in the ebook market in 2010 in an effort to stop Amazon from pricing their best-selling electronic books at $9.99 each.

 

Both the DOJ and Apple are making their closing arguments Thursday before Judge Denise Cote, who will decide the outcome of the antitrust suit. The five large publishers also named in the DOJ suit have already settled for a cumulative $164 million, leaving Apple to defend its practices in court. Cote presided over the three-week, non-jury trial in the U.S. Southern District Court of New York in Manhattan.

 

For Apple’s summation, Snyder characterized the interactions that Apple had with the five publishers as typical conversations and negotiations that accompany any business agreement. At no point did Apple try to coordinate the activities of the publishers in an attempt to fix the prices of electronic books for the market. “The evidence does not show this,” Snyder told the court, arguing that the DOJ made this case solely on “overreaching” interpretation of electronic documents.

 

Snyder focused on the timeline between December 2009 and January 2010 to rebut the DOJ’s assertions over what took place between Apple and the publishers. He noted that at the time there was “turmoil” in the ebook market and that Apple executives, who had no prior knowledge of this market, were speaking with publishing heads just to hear their concerns. He also offered multiple examples of disagreement between Apple and the publishers over the proposed contracts, this contention serving as proof that the parties were not acting in unison to fix retail prices.

 

The case stems from contracts that Apple made with the publishers in 2010, just before the company launched its iPad mobile computing device. In January of that year, each publisher—HarperCollins, Penguin, Hachette, MacMillan, and Simon & Schuster—agreed to let Apple sell their electronic books in a relatively novel business model, one in which Apple would sell their books at the prices the publishers had set, and reap 30 percent of the retail price.

 

This approach, called the agency model, differed from the standard decades-old wholesale model of book selling, in which the retailer, not the publisher, set the book prices. With the new agency approach, retailers “lost their ability to compete on price, including their ability to sell the most popular ebooks for $9.99 or for other low prices,” charged the DOJ in its complaint.

 

According to the testimony of Apple Senior Vice President Eddy Cue, publishers immediately expressed a desire to move electronic book sales to the agency model when he initially approached them in December 2009 to secure electronic book rights for the iPad.

 

The publishers saw the agency model as the solution to the issue of Amazon pricing the electronic versions of best selling books for $9.99, less than what the online retailer paid for these titles in many cases. The publishers worried that Amazon, which enjoyed a 90 percent share of the electronic book market in 2009, was lowering the perceived price point of books in consumers’ eyes, as well as laying plans to cut publishers out of Amazon’s book sales altogether and to deal with authors directly. The publishers had met throughout 2009 to discuss the issue, according to Apple.

 

Cue proposed the agency model to then Apple CEO Steve Jobs, who liked the idea, given that Apple was already using the agency model for its iTunes media store and the company’s App store. So, in early January, Apple proposed an agency model agreement with all the publishers, in which Apple would in effect get a fixed 30 percent commission for each sale.

 

Apple also added a number of additional provisions to the contract. It established a tier of price points for books. Best sellers, for instance, could be priced at $12.99 and $14.99 and, later at the publishers’ insistence, $16.99 and $19.99. Apple mandated caps, or limits to how much publishers could charge for electronic books. It prohibited publishers from both withholding best-selling titles from electronic release, and delaying the release of some titles in electronic form, a practice known as windowing.

 

Finally, Apple added what it called a “most favored nation” (MFN) clause. The MFN stipulated that the publishers must offer their electronic books to Apple at 70 percent of the lowest price offered on the retail market elsewhere. In this way Apple could match the lowest price of ebooks elsewhere and still make its 30 percent cut.

 

The DOJ had argued that MFN was proof that Apple was trying to set the prices for ebooks not just for itself, but for the entire industry. Snyder argued Apple was only looking out for its own best interest. Apple did not care what prices the publishers would charge, as long as Apple got its 30 percent cut. “If books were sold at $1.99, we’d make a ton of money,” he said.

 

Snyder also pointed out that after Apple settled on the idea of including an MFN in its contract, it had no preferences as to whether the book publishers signed other retailers such as Amazon to an agency model. He showed a number of different pieces of correspondence that Cue and Jobs had had with publishers to back this point.

 

Five of the six largest book publishers all signed Apple agency contracts within a few days of one another in January (the sixth and largest publisher, Random House, abstained). Over the next few months, the publishers had set up other agency agreements with other retailers as well, such as Amazon.

 

Immediately after the contracts took effect in April 2010, and publishers moved all their retailers to the agency model, and prices of electronic books offered by both Amazon and Barnes & Noble increased by almost 20 percent, the DOJ calculated.

 

In his summation, Snyder made the case that the publishers, and even other retailers such as Barnes & Noble and Google, were already considering the use of the agency model before meeting with Cue. He noted for instance that Barnes & Noble had also approached the publishers in January 2010 with an agency model to sell ebooks for its Nook reader. This was proof, he asserted, that the whole industry was about to undergo a transformation in how electronic books were sold to retailers.

 

While the DOJ had highlighted the many talks Cue had with publishing executives as evidence that they were coordinating activities, Snyder asserted that these meetings were simply introductory meetings and, later, individual contract negotiations. Snyder cast doubt on the idea of a price fixing conspiracy given that the publishers had already been in talks for more than a year about dealing with Amazon. “How can Apple be a ringmaster before the iBookstore was even a twinkle in Apple’s eyes,” he rhetorically asked, referring how up until late December 2009, Jobs wasn’t even interested in entering the electronic book market.

 

At one point, Cote asked Snyder if Apple was aware that the publishers may have been colluding among themselves. “We don’t have an opinion on that. It’s not our burden” to disprove that type of assertion in court, he responded. He also pointed out that the contract negotiations between Apple and the publishers were far too contentious to be considered collusion. As of mid-January Apple didn’t have any agreements with the publishers and each publisher had taken issue with different parts of the proposed agreement, such as the MFN clause, or the price caps. If there was a secret agreement already in place, the negotiations would have gone far more smoothly, he asserted.

 

When making its case, the DOJ had to prove anticompetitive behavior in a number of ways. It had to show that the publishers had conferred with one another in order to set up a new cross-publishing company pricing model that would limit retailer price control, and that Apple helped exchange information among the publishers. It also had to show that the publishers had attempted to conceal their communications. In addition, it had to show that consumers were harmed by this collusion.

 

Whether the DOJ has made its case sufficiently to Cote remains to be seen. Early reports indicated that she believed that the government had a strong case. Thus far, the DOJ has compiled a copious amount of email and other electronic documentation that it feels points to how the different parties worked with one another.

 

Legal observers, however, have doubted that the DOJ documentation is sufficient, and that its case relies too heavily on inference.

 

For the government's summation, DOJ director of litigation Mark Ryan challenged Snyder's idea that difficult negotiations between Apple and the publishers constituted proof there was no conspiracy.

 

"Sure, there was some dispute ... about what the price should be," he said. "But disagreement among a cartel doesn't mean there isn't a cartel." He urged the court to look beyond the discussion of the agency model, MFN and other details, and to focus on how book prices immediately changed after the agency agreements went into play.

 

Ryan described the events of early 2010 as "the publishers acting as a group, and Apple bringing that group along." There was a "fairly brazen price-fixing element to this," he said.

 

He discounted the fact that Apple was a new entrant -- and not yet a powerhouse -- in the e-book market, asserting that the Sherman Antitrust Act, the law on which the suit is based, made no distinctions for new entrants. "There is no court decision saying that because you are new you can organize the suppliers of the market. This is not a defense," Ryan said.

 

Ryan also noted that Apple, in its talks with book publishers, stressed how moving to the agency model would solve "the industry's" problems with Amazon. Less often did Cue and Jobs talk about how it would help an individual publisher.

 

Cote asked if Apple, in talking about the Amazon issue, wasn't just making a sales pitch. Perhaps Apple recognized the difficulties publishers were having and proposed a solution like any new business might, she posited. Ryan countered that part of Apple's pitch was to help all the publishers confront Amazon in unison, which was an antitrust violation.

 

Apple put the MFN in place with one goal in mind, Ryan argued: to get Amazon to move to the agency model. Without Amazon doing so, Apple could not compete on price. But it was essential for the major book suppliers to act in unison to get Amazon to agree to an agency model, or so the publishers thought at the time. In a free market, Ryan said, each publisher would work out their issues with Amazon independently.

 

It was the "collective force" of the publishers that prompted Amazon to adopt the agency model and stop offering $9.99 best sellers, Ryan said.

 

"Apple was simply indifferent to customers paying higher prices," Ryan said.

 

Cote is expected to reach her decision within a few weeks.